Sunday, February 27, 2022
ما هي قاعدة "40 40 20"؟
Friday, February 25, 2022
لماذا يفشل مكتب إدارة المشاريع PMO
مكتب إدارة المشاريع كما كنت قد وضحت سابقاً في مقالتي “مكتب إدارة المشاريع، هل هو ضروري حقاً” هو الإدارة المركزية التي يعهد إليها عادة بالمهام الأساسية التي تتعلق بإدارة المشاريع كوضع سياسات و إجراءات موحدة يلتزم بها مدراء المشاريع في المؤسسة، تزويدهم بنماذج للاستعانة بها في وضع خطط ومتابعة مشاريعهم، تزويدهم بقاعدة معلومات والسجلات الدروس المستفادة من المشاريع السابقة للاستفادة منها، وغير ذلك
وربما كنت اطلعت عزيزي القارئ على العديد من المقالات التي تذكر أن الكثير من مكاتب إدارة المشاريع التي يتم إنشاؤها تفشل بعد فترة و يتم إلغاؤها و العودة إلى الوضع السابق، فما الذي حصل ولماذا لم تستطع مكاتب إدارة المشاريع الصمود أو اثبات جدواها؟ إليك فيما يلي أهم الأسباب باعتقادي لعل هذا يساعد كل من يرغب بتأسيس مكتب إدارة مشاريع بأن يكتب له النجاح
السبب الأول:
لم يلمس المعنيين بالمشروع stakeholders قيمة حقيقة و منفعة من مكتب إدارة المشاريع حين تم إنشاؤه، فمن المعلوم أن المعنيين و أصحاب المصلحة و خصوصاً الإدارة العليا كانوا يعولون الكثير على هذا المكتب من ناحية تنظيم إدارة المشاريع وزيادة فرص نجاحها و تحقيق توفير في التكاليف و تحسين استخدام الموارد و غيرها من المنافع المتوقعة، ولما لم تظهر هذه القيمة و المنافع من الأيام الأولى من إنشاء هذا المكتب بدأ يخسر بالتدريج دعم أصحاب المصلحة والإدارة العليا و بالتالي تم بالنهاية الاستغناء عنه بالكلية، فإذا أردنا لهذا المكتب أن ينجح فعلينا أن نقوم منذ البداية بتحديد المنافع المتوقعة و المطلوبة من المعنيين و أصحاب المصلحة و اختيار الوظائف functions التي يجب أن يقوم بها مكتب إدارة المشاريع لخلق هذه المنافع بأسرع وقت ممكن و في نفس الوقت بشكل مستمر.
السبب الثاني:
لم يحقق مكتب إدارة المشاريع العائد على الاستثمار المتوقع منه ROI، بمعنى أن التكاليف و الموارد التي خصصت للمكتب كانت أكثر من العائدات و التي تتمثل عادة بنسبة المشاريع الناجحة و خفض الهدر و التكاليف و غير ذلك، و معلوم أن الإدارة العليا لن تستمر طويلاً بدعم هذا المكتب ما لم يثبت بالفعل عائداً قوياً على الاستثمار.
الحقيقة أن كل من السببين أعلاه يمكن إجمالهما بسبب واحد فقط:
لم يتم التعامل مع إنشاء مكتب إدارة المشاريع كمشروع بحد ذاته، وبالتالي من الطبيعي أن يترتب على ذلك الكثير من الأخطاء على سبيل المثال:
- لم يتم القيام بدراسة جدوى feasibility study لإنشاء مكتب إدارة المشاريع وتحديد الأسباب business case التي تدفعنا لإنشاء المكتب وماهي المنافع benefits التي نرغب بالحصول عليها من إنشاء هذا المكتب و من المسؤول عن هذه المنافع benefit’s owners و قياسها بشكل مستمر، وتوثيق كل ذلك بشكل دقيق
- لم يتم تحديد من هم المعنيين بالمشروع stakeholders بشكل فعال و تقييم تأثيرهم Impact على نجاح المشروع و فشله ومصحلتهم interest بالمشروع وبالتالي وضع استراتيجيات مناسبة للتواصل و التعامل معهم و كسب تأييدهم أو التقليل من تأثير معارضتهم
- لم يتم تحديد متطلبات المعنيين بالمشروع من المشروع و من منتج المشروع و الذي هو عبارة عن مكتب إدارة المشاريع، فكما هو معلوم يمكن لمكتب إدارة المشاريع أن يلعب العديد من الأدوار كداعم supportiveو أو ضابط controlling أو موجه directive وعندما لا يتم تحديد الدور المطلوب منه بدقة منذ بداية مشروع تأسيسه لا تكون النتائج مرضية في النهاية حيث لا يتم تحقيق توقعات أصحاب المصلحة و المعنيين بالمشروع stakeholders
- لم يتم وضع جدول زمني واقعي وموازنة واقعية تأخذ بعين الاعتبار الموارد resources المؤسسية المتوفرة
- لم يتم وضع خطة تواصل جيدة بين المعنيين بالمشروع، مما أدى إلى العديد من الخلافات و التأخر في الموافقات و التنسيق بين الإدارات المختلفة
- لم تتم دراسة المخاطر بشكل جيد و خاصة المخاطر التي تتعلق بممانعة التغيير change resistance ووضع استراتيجيات فعالة للتعامل معها
- ربما تم إسناد المشروع إلى مقاول contractor لا يتمتع بالكفاءة المطلوبة ولم يأخذ بعين الاعتبار العوامل التي ذكرنها
- لم يتم تعيين مدير مشروع بسلطة و صلاحيات كافية تساعده على إنجاز عمله بنجاح
فإذا أردت عزيزي قائد المؤسسة أن تبني مكتب إدارة مشاريع يحقق القيمة و المنافع التي تريدها بالفعل، تأكد أنك قمت بما يلزم لتجنب المشاكل و الأسباب التي ذكرنها و بالله التوفيق
Sunday, February 20, 2022
"العقارية الكبيرة"
جماعات الضغط من أجل "العقارية الكبيرة" تكتب التشريعات في ألباني (عاصمة ولاية نيويورك). ويتم دائمًا تمثيل "العقارية الكبيرة" بشكل جيد في لجنة تخطيط المدن وفي مكاتب التنمية الاقتصادية بالولاية والمدينة. مثل الكثير من أعضاء جماعات الضغط في واشنطن العاصمة ، فإن الأفراد من "العقارية الكبيرة" يدخلون ويخرجون من الوظائف العامة والخاصة ، ويتناوبون العمل في وكالات الولاية والمدينة مع مناصب عالية الأجر في التطوير العقاري. والنتيجة هي ثقافة سياسية في ألباني وحول مجلس مدينة نيويورك تؤمن بأن ما هو جيد لشركة "العقارية الكبيرة" جيد لنيويورك الولاية
John Massengale on the influence of Big Real Estate: "New York City and Big Real Estate argue speciously for the supply-and-demand theory of affordable housing that says building apartments of any kind will somehow trickle down to more affordable apartments for all—as though a large supply of Mercedes S-Class limousines would lower the demand for a $16,000 Kia Rio."
Recently, the Nobel laureate economist Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times about the causes of unaffordable housing in New York City. He blamed the crisis on a few things, including a powerful financial “monoculture” in the city, NIMBYs, and the city itself blocking new construction. That last element, however—that the city blocks new construction—is an increasingly popular myth that needs examination.
When we look at construction in New York, we see that the city is not an economic monoculture. Property taxes are the largest revenue source for the city, and both New York City and New York State work to increase property taxes by subsidizing new development with zoning changes, planning policies, new interpretations of zoning and building regulations, economic development plans for rebuilding, the use of eminent domain, tax abatements and credits, public-private capital projects, and sweetheart real estate deals for major political donors—and this is only a partial list.
It all adds up to billions of dollars in direct and indirect subsidies for billionaire developers like Stephen Ross, Steve Roth, and Gary Barnett. So much for the idea that New York “blocks” construction. Please note: the first three rules of real estate are traditionally “location, location, location.” The following discussion about affordable and unaffordable housing is specific to New York City in our time.
Big Real Estate
No group is more powerful in New York City and New York State than the richest developers, represented by the Real Estate Board of New York. Its members were among the biggest donors to Governor Andrew Cuomo; they gave Governor Kathy Hochul even more money, and in a shorter period of time. In the city, former Mayor Bill de Blasio suffered a series of scandals related to donations from developers.
Lobbyists for Big Real Estate write legislation in Albany. Big Real Estate is always well represented on the City Planning Commission and in state and city economic development offices. Much like lobbyists in Washington, D.C., individuals from Big Real Estate cycle in and out of public and private jobs, alternating work in state and city agencies with high-paying positions in real estate development. The result is a political culture in Albany and around New York’s City Hall that believes that what’s good for Big Real Estate is good for New York.
Sam Stein documents the history of the rise of Big Real Estate in his book Capital City, Gentrification and the Real Estate State. He points out that New York used to have financial capital, real estate capital, and industrial capital. But Big Real Estate conspired to drive industry out of town, because real estate developers and investors have different goals than industrial companies. Industry wants cheap land for factories and affordable housing for workers. Developers and real estate investors want ever-increasing land prices and housing profits.
Two trends contributed to real estate’s triumph over manufacturing in the 1970s: (1) companies moved to southern states in search of cheaper land and less expensive labor; (2) following white flight from the city, New York City went bankrupt. Big Real Estate convinced the metropolis to hitch its fortunes to increased property taxes in the years that followed.
Saturday, February 19, 2022
Qualitative Analysis
Qualitative research is defined as
“The study of the nature of phenomena”, including
“Their quality, different manifestations, the context in which they appear or the perspectives from which they can be perceived”, but excluding
“Their range, frequency and place in an objectively determined chain of cause and effect”.
This formal definition can be complemented with a more pragmatic rule of thumb: qualitative research generally includes data in form of
Words rather than Numbers.
For data analysis, field-notes and audio-recordings are transcribed into protocols and transcripts, and coded using qualitative data management software.
Criteria such as checklists, reflexivity, sampling strategies, piloting, co-coding, member-checking
and stakeholder involvement can be used to enhance and assess the quality of the research conducted.
There are few software to assist and help analyzing the qualitative data. These are commonly include: Content Search, Data Visualization & Reporting, Storing & Coding, Data Linking and Data Mapping.
https://precisionconsultingcompany.com/qualitative-analysis.shtml
Friday, February 18, 2022
A 20-minute Neighborhood
This is a very simple idea, a neighborhood in which we can all get the goods and services we need within a twenty minute walk of our house.
The core of a 20-minute neighborhood is its walkability and priority given to pedestrians. 800 meters (about half a mile) is the distance of a 20-minute neighborhood or 20 minutes in time.
The idea originated in Portland, Oregon, and has been taken up by Melbourne in Australia.
Research undertaken by the Heart Foundation (Victoria) for the Victorian Government identified the following hallmarks of a 20-minute neighborhood
A 20-minute Neighborhood must:
- Be safe, accessible and well connected for pedestrians and cyclists to optimise active transport
- Offer high-quality public realm and open space
- Provide services and destinations that support local living
- Facilitate access to quality public transport that connects people to jobs and higher-order services
- Deliver housing/population at densities that make local services and transport viable
- Facilitate thriving local economies
- Movement Network - Install safe school crossings
- Housing Diversity - Review residential zoning
- Destinations - Streetscape improvements
- Public Open Space - Improve access to local parks
- Community Infrastructure - Upgrade facilities
- Sense of Place - Install public art with youth groups
- Healthy Food - Investigate a community garden
Capital Project vs. Infrastructure
The term Capital Projects emphasizes on the monetary structure and investment cycle with a project; rather than technical or engineering contents or processing. Let's have a look, then to land on a conclusion..
- It is a new construction, expansion, renovation, or replacement project for an existing facility or facilities. The project must have a total cost of at least $10,000 over the life of the project. Project costs can include the cost of land, engineering, architectural planning, and contract services needed to complete the project.
- It is a purchase of major equipment (assets) costing $50,000 or more with a useful life of at least 10 years.
- It is a major maintenance or rehabilitation project for existing facilities with a cost of $10,000 or more and an economic life of at least 10 years.
The Creative Destruction of Cities
The Surprising Stickiness of the “15-Minute
City”
01.25.2022
Urbanism trends come and go: Broadacre City, Radiant City, EcoCity. Yet the “15-Minute City” concept—which implies having all necessary amenities within a short walk, bike ride, or public transit trip from one’s home—has demonstrated stickiness not just as an idea, but as a powerful tool for action, from Paris to Seoul, Bogotá to Houston.
For longtime urbanists, the 15-Minute City seemed to merely repackage the historic urban pattern of development: walkable, mixed-used districts. Old wine, new bottle, as the saying goes. But for a new framing to ignite a global urbanism movement, clearly there’s more going on.
The obvious, yet incomplete, answer is the pandemic. Would Paris Mayor Anne Hidalgo have pushed for progressive urban design without this framing? Undoubtedly. But with Covid and its variants keeping everyone home (or closer to home than usual), the 15-Minute City went from a “nice-to-have” to a rallying cry. Meeting all of one’s needs within walking/biking/transit distance was suddenly a matter of life and death. The pandemic created an urgency around equitable urbanism that sidelined arguments about bike lanes and other “amenities” that have roiled communities for years.
The term was coined in 2016 by Sorbonne professor Carlos Moreno, who was given an Obel Award in 2021 for developing the idea. (The award was created by the Dutch-based Obel Foundation “honoring architectural contributions to human development.”) The graph below comes from a Google Trend search of worldwide usage of the term; the peak in the middle is approximately November 15, 2020.
When a new framing meets its moment, something more than a fad is emerging. Prior to the pandemic, few planners would have taken seriously the idea that “home” become the central organizing factor of all urban planning. Despite predictions of increased “telecommuting,” working from home remained an outlier. Indeed, work and commerce have always been the central organizing factors of urbanism, from the post-agricultural revolution to the industrial and technological ones.
Historically, most cities grew up around trade, which then developed into more permanent places of commerce. Cities reduced transportation costs for goods and people by bringing them closer together. By reducing these costs, cities increased productivity and thus further evolved the city as a multiplier of culture and innovation. (As Aristotle said, “The city-state comes into being for the sake of living, but it exists for the sake of living well.”) More than a century after the adoption of automobiles as the dominant mode of transportation, work still dictated urban geography, with increasingly longer commutes. Suburbia, the antithesis of the 15-Minute City, couldn’t exist without proximity to an economic urban engine.
Wednesday, February 16, 2022
A School Desk
More than 25 years ago, I had supported the efforts of "Save The Children" in Haj Yousuf camp for IDP (Internal Displaced People)..
I remember my design for a simple class desk, which was assembled by a veteran welder at AlHella AlJadidah, a district of Khartoum.. Where my ancestors had lived..
At that time we produced around 50 for the mobile classrooms I had designed too..
Then I fled Sudan with no return..
Once a friend told me how my design is used all over Africa by the NGOs..
Today, I found it by mere coincidence.. Certainly, no intellectual property to claim, even so, such contribution is the true claim..
I'm extremely thankful for such unprecedented opportunity..
Tuesday, February 15, 2022
Doughnut Model in Cities
Introduction
That’s
why cities including Amsterdam, Brussels, Copenhagen, Berlin, and Cambridge are
experimenting with Kate Raworth’s Doughnut model—a new framework for regenerative development—in their efforts
to tackle the climate crisis and ecological collapse. Their focus on economic
remodeling is opening up new areas of debate about the transition. However, it
still falls short of what is needed to democratically usher in systemic
transitions that go beyond decarbonization. One thing the Doughnut model gets
right is how economic relationships need to change as part of climate
transitions. It is on the back of this relational change that different
political redesigns can take place and give birth to new reflections on
democratic engagement and resilience combined with climate ambitions.
BACKGROUND
Social
contracts have been on increasingly fragile ground in democracies over the last
decade. Beginning with the 2007–2008 financial crisis and the Occupy Wall Street movement
that emerged from it, deep unease turned into a profound democratic rift of
confidence. People have grown increasingly skeptical of political institutions
they perceive to prioritize financial interests over social resilience—thereby
exacerbating the concentration of economic power and political decisionmaking
in the hands of an unaccountable minority.
These
concerns were again on display during the Yellow Vest demonstrations
that gripped France for over a year. The introduction of a fuel tax—however
small it was—highlighted the ways that important segments of French society
feel their standards of living have slipped and future economic opportunities
have dried up. They worry that climate-related policies may leave a large
majority behind—especially in rural areas. To be sure, the protesters were
never against the transition; rather, they were against bearing the costs of an
economic system they perceive to be working in favor of elites who benefit from
city-driven economies. Because the welfare state is widely seen as either
biased or broken, climate-related transitions are at risk of failing. This is
especially true if transition costs reinforce perceptions of economic
stagnation and misgovernance.
The
current gas crisis has
compounded these fears, bundling the effects of carbon pricing with twin shocks
from the coronavirus pandemic and energy competition. If anything, this crisis
demonstrates clearly that energy and fuel-subsidized economics are no longer a
means to greater social mobility, freedom, and better standards of
living—former cornerstones of the liberal democracy framework. The twin promise
of political stability and expansive individual freedoms is questioned as a
result, without an alternative value-proposition in sight. The challenge is not
to fix the old paradigm, though, it is to invent a new one, something
institutions and states are struggling with.
At the
regional level, the EU is trying to revive a new age of economic opportunity
with the Green Deal, investing into new sectors, new jobs, and green growth.
The EU has coupled this with its Climate Pact, a framework through which the union hopes
to activate civic engagement within the transition. But for all it’s worth, the
Green Deal is still focused on a model that fails to take into account
the full breadth of looming
ecological crises. And while it banks on higher digital employment
opportunity and virtual mobility for the future of work, these prospects may
entirely fail to address fundamental grievances in societies where labor
conditions have grown increasingly fragile and where digital divides may lay
bare socioeconomic and territorial inequalities. This has a direct impact on
voting behaviors and political polarization vis-à-vis ecological issues. The
economics of the transition are still mired into polarized perspectives over
the distributional effects of costs and opportunities. More generally, they
lack a value narrative that people can rally behind.
This is
why city-level experiments with the Doughnut model’s application could be so
significant. Cities are currently home to over half of the world’s population.
They cover only 2 percent of
the world’s terrestrial surface, yet they use more than 70 percent of the
world’s natural resources and emit approximately 70 percent of greenhouse gases.
Their demand drives extraction around the world, and their waste spreads in
equal measure. The global economy revolves around them as hubs for consumption,
innovation, commerce, financial exchanges, services, and technological
concentration. Cities, especially in developed countries, have become a force
of geological change in our time of the Anthropocene.
While
the globalized economy depends on cities to function, cities themselves depend
on complex networks of supply chains in rural areas and outside country
borders. These dependencies are often associated with ecological destruction
and exploitative supply chains (such as in the agricultural sector). In other
words, cities outsource their negative impacts beyond their confines, making
the consequences invisible to their inhabitants and lessening the political
appetite for accountability and change. So, in a global system that revolves
around cities, logic would have it that transformational systems change could
begin there too.
This is
the idea that Raworth’s Doughnut model offers a way to act on.
Saturday, February 12, 2022
3C's
Sunday, February 6, 2022
السيارات والعمران
شكراً جزيلاً .. هذا الموضوع قديم حديث وكذلك مستقبلي
فهو على الطاولة منذ الثمانيات عندما بدأ غزو السيارات وسيطرتها على مفاهيم التخطيط العمراني ، وكانت أيضاً صدى للانبهار بأمركة الاحاسيس والقيم
وهو كذلك حديث ، حيث لا يكاد متحدث أو باحث أو مدعي إلا ويتطرق لسطوة السيارات على المدن ، ودون تقديم حلول عملية وبناءة ومستدامة ، مسلسل مستمر من الفشل الأكاديمي والإداري والبنيوي
وهو مستقبلي حيث لا مناص من سيطرة رفاهية النقل الخاص على المدن ليس فقط تعبير عن مفرادات معايير النجاح المجتعي ولكن أيضاً لسطوة منتجي السيارات الذين يواكبون التغييرات من الوقود الاحفوري الى الكهربائي والى ما سيأتي به المستقبل
المسألة برمتها ناتجة عى الضعف العلمي والعملي للمعارضة الفنية والمدنية أمام شراهة الاستثمار وسطوة الزهو الانساني
التجارب الأوربية والغربية عامة ليست قائمة على قلب الشوارع وإزالتها ، ولكن بتغيير استخداماتها ، وفي الأمر براعة سياسية ، فلا الشوارع أُزيلت ولا الاستخدامات البيئية أصبحت مؤسسة ومستدامة ، بل الأمر قد ألقى بالإشكالية الى المستقبل لايجاد الحل
الكل يريد العملة والعرين والعربية والعروسة
ولتقرأ ولتعي ما بين الحروف والكلمات والسطور
عساك تظفر بذات الدين